Anil Kalhan

Now available on SSRN:

This Article proposes privacy as a descriptive and normative framework to analyze the constellation of recent initiatives to expand interior enforcement of federal immigration laws. By expanding the circumstances in which individuals are expected to demonstrate their lawful presence in the United States, these various initiatives seek to transform the significance of immigration and citizenship status in day-to-day life from something largely invisible and irrelevant to something visible and salient in a variety of settings. This transformation, however, carries underappreciated social costs. Building upon scholarship theorizing privacy as protecting a set of social or structural interests, and using the Supreme Court’s decision in Katz v. United States as a conceptual starting point, the Article argues that recognizing and protecting immigration and citizenship status privacy in certain contexts serves valuable social purposes. While the Fourth Amendment itself may ultimately establish a weak constraint against interior enforcement, in other contexts courts and state and local governments have increasingly recognized and protected privacy interests in immigration and citizenship status in precisely these structural terms. Although these responses represent only a partial solution to the privacy-related harms that may arise from expanded interior enforcement, they contribute to a public conversation that may recognize more directly the social value of preserving zones in society in which status remains invisible, irrelevant, and private.

Your Call, Jan. 2, 2008 - Pakistan After Benazir (KALW 91.7 FM)

What has been the fall-out of Benazir Bhutto’s assassination? On the next Your Call we speak with a panel of South Asians about the events since the bomb in Liaquat National Park. Bhutto’s 19-year-old son has been pushed to the helm of the Pakistan People’s Party. President Musharraf says elections will be delayed until February but can the weakened Musharraf stay in power until then? The United States has had close involvement in the politics of Pakistan for nearly four decades: what role should it play now? It’s Your Call, with Sandip Roy and you.

Guests:
Anil Kalhan in New York
Visiting Professor of Law at Fordham University Law School

Sharmeen Obaid in Pakistan
Documentary filmmaker and reporter who has covered the aftermath of terrorism’s rise in South Asia

Ahmed Junaid in Williamsburg, VA
Author and a leader in Pakistan’s expatriate community of liberal Muslims.

Click to Listen: Pakistan After Bhutto

(Posted at Dorf on Law)

This week, the Pakistan People’s Party named Benazir Bhutto’s son, Bilawal, as chairperson of the party, even though he is only 19, still in college, and will not be leaving school to become a full-time politico just yet. His father Asif Ali Zardari and two others will serve as regents in the interim. Certainly, young Bilawal has to be one of the world’s first major political leaders to have an active Facebook page at the time he entered politics. It’s hard not to understand and agree with Tariq Ali’s response to the news:

The Pakistan People’s Party is being treated as a family heirloom, a property to be disposed of at the will of its leader.

Nothing more, nothing less. Poor Pakistan. Poor People’s Party supporters. Both deserve better than this disgusting, medieval charade.

* * *

That most of the PPP inner circle consists of spineless timeservers leading frustrated and melancholy lives is no excuse. All this could be transformed if inner-party democracy was implemented. There is a tiny layer of incorruptible and principled politicians inside the party, but they have been sidelined. [link]

In the immediate aftermath of losing the charismatic Benazir as its leader — and on the eve of a national election — I suppose it’s not altogether surprising that the PPP’s leadership would readily defer to the wishes expressed in her will by turning to a familiar name to serve at least as the symbolic leader of the party. (I’m not so sure he’s a familiar face to most Pakistanis, especially since he’s spent much of his short life abroad and out of the public eye. Indeed, as you can see from the photo above, his “Facebook” profile doesn’t even have a “face.”) And we don’t need to single out Pakistan — dynastic politics of one form or another are a way of life to varying extents in many countries, including such celebrated democracies as India and the United States. (One observer has even described dynastic politics as an “American tradition.”)

Still, as Ali also noted last week, “[t]o be dependent on a person or a family may be necessary at certain times, but it is a structural weakness, not a strength for a political organisation.” I suspect that it will take stronger and more durable electoral processes outside of the political parties, in Pakistan more generally, in order to catalyze greater internal democracy within the political parties. Would that be enough? Perhaps not. Indira Gandhi and her spawn retained a dominant role within the Congress Party even after being voted out of power in 1977, and of course the 2008 election here in the United States could end up replicating the “Benazir-Nawaz-Benazir-Nawaz” pattern of 1990s Pakistan with a crudely analogous (and longer-lasting) “Bush-Clinton-Bush-Clinton” pattern of our own. (Grover Norquist thinks we need a constitutional amendment to put a stop to all of this.)

But the importance of meaningful electoral processes cannot be dismissed altogether, since they do create spaces where other political leaders can emerge. Free and fair elections also would give the public as a whole something they did not really have in Pakistan even during the 1990s: an opportunity to hold parties accountable for their internal decision-making by voting their leadership out of political office, no matter what families those leaders come from. After all, contrary to speculation from as recently as the summer of 2006, we are not going to see Jeb Bush’s name on the primary ballots this spring, and were he a candidate, I can’t imagine that he would have carried the Bush dynasty to a resounding victory.

Related post: The Math of Rollback